top of page
Search

[IN BRIEF] Myanmar’s Latest Elections Sparks Controversy

KUALA LUMPUR, 29 Dec 2025 — Myanmar went to the polls on 28 December to begin a three-phase general election,  the first nationwide vote since the military seized power in February 2021. The first round covered 102 townships [1] and the junta has presented the exercise as a return to electoral politics, but international observers and many analysts say the vote is unlikely to change the balance of power: military-aligned forces, particularly the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), are positioned to dominate contested seats.


While more than fifty political parties have registered candidates and over 4,800 hopefuls are reported to be contesting various seats [2], only a handful of parties have the nationwide reach necessary to challenge the military’s influence; in practice, the Union Election Commission, itself appointed under the junta has large influence on which parties and constituencies can participate, undermining the credibility of the contest. Many prominent opposition leaders remain barred resulting in a political playing field that is markedly narrower than in Myanmar’s pre-coup elections.


Public reaction has been muted and uneven. Regional reporting from the first phase described low and lethargic turnout in many areas, with older voters making up a disproportionate share of those who did vote and youth participation notably lower than in the 2020 election. Accounts from polling day describe a mix of resignation, fear of reprisal in some places, and a quiet hope among others that even limited participation might preserve civic continuity, but overall, the atmosphere was one of skepticism rather than mass civic mobilization [3].


The elections are also being held on a heavily truncated territorial map. With the three phases covering a total of 265 of the country’s 330 townships, roughly 65 townships will see no voting because of active conflict or lack of government control, including key areas of Sagaing, Magway and parts of Mandalay [4]. This implies millions of internally displaced or opposition-held populations are effectively excluded. That fragmentation deepens doubts about any claim that the results represent a nationwide mandate.


Regionally and internationally, response has been split. Most international organizations have denounced the polls as neither free nor fair, while some players have taken a more cautious or pragmatic line. Regionally - as the 2025 ASEAN chair, Malaysia has helped keep Myanmar on the regional agenda even prior to the elections, and ASEAN leaders have repeatedly expressed deep concern about the violence and humanitarian crisis even as their capacity to compel change in Naypyitaw remains limited. Such also reflects ASEAN’s broader challenge of balancing regional stability with pressure for democratic norms. In short, Malaysia’s chairmanship has kept diplomatic space open and amplified calls for an inclusive political solution, but it has not (and realistically, could not alone) overcome the structural limits.


What comes next is predictable: with the vote likely to cement military rule under an electoral veneer rather than resolving Myanmar’s prolonged crisis.



// END


Cover image credits: Stringer/REUTER


© 2025 Strategic Youth Foreign Policy Community of Malaysia (SYFCOM)

bottom of page